Moreover, I think Americans feel good about Iraq, about what we did, and Bush's opportunity is to use that to make his new mandate. This is something his father didn't do, didn't even understand. Perhaps he thought it was unbecoming for a president to use his war popularity domestically, but young W knows it's fair game. He'll keep the terror threat high on the radar, of course, since it's a big issue (and a vote getter, I bet). But look for him to appeal to America's can-do spirit. Look for him to make implicit comparisons that parse like this: "If we can do what we did in Iraq [What did we do? Let's leave that vague.], then we can certainly do [insert tax reform, entitlement reform, vouchers, etc.]." Bush is going to run as the guy-on-a-streak candidate. He may have to concede that we're not winning the game yet, particularly if consumer confidence doesn't leap, but he can at least argue that he's had a hit at just about every at bat lately.
Wednesday, May 21, 2003
Lack of transparency makes it difficult to say how much money changes hands, but the sums are huge. Mr Venturi reckons that a big manufacturing conglomerate might spend the equivalent of up to 25% of gross sales on “trade promotions” of one form or another. Measured from the other perspective, a typical big European retailer might extract the equivalent of 10% of its total revenues via trade spending. For an individual retailer that often means a sum measured in hundreds of millions. At an industry level billions are at stake.
"Lack of transparency" makes it impossible to say what is going on. Hmmm, where have we heard this before? This lack of transparency is what makes the SEC a necessary evil in our country, but what's worse, is that even with the SEC, it is usually only reactive, not proactive. A band-aid on the femoral artery.
So the article says that the WHO is aiming to "[break] a habit that kills nearly five million people a year." This figure is later explained in this sentence: "The U.N. health agency says 4.9 million people die each year from cancer, cardiovascular disease and other conditions linked to smoking ..." What a nightmare of a sentence. (Reuters, like many other news agencies, seems to be staffed by illiterates.) So 4.9 million people die a year from diseases linked to smoking? Does that mean that scientists believe that these diseases often have tobacco use as a contributing factror, or does it mean that doctors have determined that tobacco use was a contributing factor in each of the 4.9 million specific cases? It's a big difference. (And go read Balko on MADD and RWJ Foundation and their method of "linking" alcohol and car accidents. Same kind of pseudo-scientific crap in the service of the lifestyle police.)
Actually, the fault for the lack of clarity doesn't lie entirely with Reuters. Any branch of the UN knows how to play the vague-press-release game. What does it matter what the "link" between smoking and disease is (never mind the ever-weakening link between second-hand smoke and disease) as long as the bureaucrats get their budget increase every year?
Monday, May 19, 2003
Friday, May 16, 2003
Thursday, May 15, 2003
By the way, SARS isn't technically a syndrome anymore; it's been proved to be a virus now. When can we expect a name change?
Wednesday, May 14, 2003
Tuesday, May 13, 2003
Herein lies the root of the problem. If the only unifying force in the Democrat party is to remove Bush, the cause is already lost. Removal of Clinton was the only thing for the Repubs in 1996 -- see how well that worked? ... Right now the Dem's vision for the future goes no further than November 2004. That just won't cut it.File this under Beinart's Lieberman lessons. The nominee will have to run against Bush, but will have to get the nomination against other Democrats. Kind of a pointless exercise, then, for them all to run as the Not-Bush Clones, eh? Lieberman has the best chance to stand out on principle. And, I suspect, Bush versus Lieberman might turn out to be a more decent race than we're accustomed to (in both senses of the word "decent").
Speaking of streams of consciousness, I have wandered from my humility. I apologize. Perhaps I'll try David Foster Wallace, who by all reports is the grandpappy of this style. Hell, if you're going to drink the effluent of a disposable society anyway, you might as well drink from the fire hose.
Anyway, progressive tax rates keep the government in business. Barring a real revolt at the polls, I don't see anything happening with the tax code (other than more additions, deletions, revisions, credits, loopholes, and targeted rollbacks -- all of which guaranteed to make life hell for taxpayers). But as long as we're stuck with the monster code, maybe we could sneak something in to cap the system. Bush drew his line in the sand in 2001 (anything over 33% is confiscatory) and then promptly signed in a rate of 35% that takes 10 years to kick in, then goes right back up to 38% the next year, all after he's comfortably out of office. Profiles in courage, dude.
On Saturday night George Stephanopoulos asked all the Democratic candidates at once whether any of them would "rule out raising taxes as president of any kind." There followed an awkward pause. No one wanted to be dishonest--but certainly no one wanted to be Walter Mondale, either. Suddenly Howard Dean, always the most impetuous of the bunch, threw up a hand. Down at the end of the table, John Kerry looked at Dean and followed with something that looked like a hand-raise of his own. Only it wasn't quite that. Kerry lifted his forearm halfway up, then left it suspended in an tentative gesture of ambiguous meaning. It was as if he were Dr. Strangelove, wrestling his own arm as his political and intellectual impulses clashed internally.Also good: Easterbrook destroys Lieberman's energy proposal.
Plus: Atrios hates it.
In any case, he would be the best one to put up against Bush. He's the least priggish of the crowd, the least liberal -- at least in a way that's easy to caricature. Kerry can be tied to the tax-and-spend post. Dean is looking less and less thoughtful everyday, though I think he'll still strip enough of the activist base from Kerry to be a minor spoiler in the Northeast. If it all goes well for Lieberman, his only big challenge will be Dick Gephardt, who is looking mighty fresh for an old warhorse. I don't think his health care plan will sell in a general election, but he's hitting the right primary buttons. What's your take from the position of a potential primary vote to be captured?
Polls over the past ten years have consistently found that the majority of Americans think that no family in America should have to pay more than 25 percent of its income in taxes. As the Wall Street Journal has pointed out in reviewing these polls, the 25 percent cap includes all taxes: sales taxes, property taxes, payroll taxes, income taxes, cigarette taxes, business taxes, car taxes, you name it. The government is not welcome to more than 1/4th, no matter whether we are talking about Bill Gates or the janitor who cleans Bill Gates's office at night.What would you say to that? The Fed takes a flat 17%, the state takes a flat 8%, and nothing else need be said. No property tax, no "estate" tax, no sin tax. (One additional thing I would allow is a user fee for road usage, either as a toll or as a gasoline tax, but only with the provision that it could never co-mingle with general revenue. General revenue funding of roads is a sop to the trucking industry, just as railroads were to rail tycoons in the 19th century.) Plus, a constitutional provision that taxes could never be raised. Congress would have an incentive, all of a sudden, to get its fat ass out of the way and really let the economy hum, since rising budgets would be tied to a growing economy.
I think there's something to this.
Monday, May 12, 2003
I have to say that I don't mind that Eggers has fun with a story that is, at its root, about tragedy and recovery. This is a topic worth having fun with, since sappy tragedy stories are a dime (at most) a dozen. In the end, though, the book becomes too much an exercise in stylistic deconstruction (e.g., about playing reliable narrator tricks and then copping to them in the next breath) and gets lost in its own maze. It's worth finding the characters in the book, for they are occasionally rewarding to find. Would've made a good long-essay piece.
Is there still good, solid reporting to be found at the Times? Yeah, I guess, but there is at the local daily in Bangor or Des Moines or Abilene, as long as you aren't the type to sniff at provincialism. Which brings us back to New York, the most provincial of the provinces. To a Times reader, it's that old New Yorker cover where, once across the Hudson, the country is foreshortened into caricature. In order to buy into the importance of the Times, you have to buy into the importance of New York, and therefore the importance of Importance. It's a worldview that is not entirely without merit, but one certainly couldn't call it a priori pre-eminent. A certain amount of the blogger world is all about puncturing that sensibility: it's a group of well-read, smart, even hip people -- bloggers and readers alike -- who are tired of the talking points, the recieved wisdom of The Times.
Which brings me to my final point, which was also my point in mentioning the Post above: The Times is generally a humorless paper. News, to them, is made and reported with a grim mien. When there is humor, it's often startlingly trite and revelatory of the insularity of the Times staff. The Post, on the other hand, is a big, meaty dish of news, full of weirdos, straphangers, pervs, and all the wonderful Post-isms that only a seasoned reader doesn't need explained (e.g., "Beep to Hizzoner, PA on Wrong Track in Bx" or some other juicy shorthand like that).
By the way, if I ever blog about newspapers again, I'm skipping the italics. (You'll notice I didn't get them all. Screw it. Even an editor gets tired of this crap.)
Friday, May 09, 2003
High art versus pop culture is no longer a matter—let me switch metaphors here—of fancy French restaurant cuisine versus mom’s home cookin’ or a juicy cheeseburger at the corner diner. High art’s opponent is the equivalent of 10 billion tons of ersatz potato chips made from a petroleum derivative, flavored with a green “sour cream and jalapeno” dust manufactured in the same vat as the latest hair regrower, and served in little silver bags through which not one molecule of air will penetrate until 2084.If this is so, it is only because, for so many years, high art accepted -- nay, cultivated -- the elitist attitude Plagens shows when he says
High art is elitist. Only a relatively few people have the educated taste for it, the patience to enjoy it and, frankly, the ability to get it.This assumes, of course, that high art means that there is something to "get." I think that this is true of modern art (in which it is, in fact, only an affectation) but not necessarily of high art. Do we suppose -- in a culture that sports rising literacy, sophistication, and disposable income -- that erstwhile museum-goers have slowly been slipped the Folger's Crystals of pop culture instead of the "real" thing? Plagens obviously does, based on that first quote, though the second quote is off the mark on the wherefores. First, modernists (and their children, the post-modernists) brought pop-culture into the high arts, blurring the distinction. Second, as the distinction was blurred, the elite artists felt more of a need to segregate -- via ironic detachment and an ever increasing resort to "shocking" an anaesthetized public -- those who "get" it from those who don't. In other words, don't create art that is intentionally about "getting" some ephemeral obscurity ("Oh, I love how you deconstruct the prevailing paternalistic meme by transgressing the implied phallo-yonic dialectic so prevalent in the classical still life!" -- as she looks at a textureless sea-green and dun smear) and then bitch because "Mr. Harry Twelvepack," as Plagens patronizingly paints him (people who get it drink wine -- get it?), would rather not pony up $35 for the exhibit -- only to be told, if he questions, that he doesn't get it.
Look a little closer: What is there to "get" about Beethoven? Nothing, it seems, that isn't somehow present in human nature. What is there to "get" about art in general? In it's power to move us, art is anti-elitist, anti-intellectual. The Arnolfini Marriage doesn't require any particular need to "get" in order to appreciate its beauty, despite the "hidden transgressives" that pop up. That is to say, the intellectualized bits, interesting as they may be to scholars, are not what make art. A great example is Dickens, who was an incredible sell-out -- in both senses of the modern word. He was popular, beloved, widely read by all classes. There was nothing to "get" about it. Art invites one in. Let me say that again: Art invites one in. The "get" is simply the burden that modernists have put on art, the sign that says, "Stay out, you don't get it."
More: By chance found this on Lileks's site: "Real art has to be explained, patiently, like the dangers of a hot stove to a small child." Goddammit! Why can he say in one line what it takes me a page to vent?
Agree or disagree with the Bush White House, they are playing near-flawless contract bridge as the Democrats play a silly game of Old Maid right now.
Our armiesFamiliar refrain. The British proceeded to dominate Iraq, militarily or by proxy, until the Qassem coup of 1958, which removed the Faisal line and engendered the Ba'athist counter-coup ten years later. Fascinating stuff and, hopefully, forefront in the minds of Jay Garner and Paul Bremer.
do not come into your cities and lands as conquerors or enemies but as liberators.
I don't foresee similar American plans, mainly because out country won't tolerate colonialism the way the British did for so many years. In addition, I'm enough of an idealist to think that a federalist-style republic will go a long way toward pacifying the fractionalism and vying nationalisms of Iraq, while a British-installed Sunni monarchy -- even when it flirted with anti-British sentiment -- merely continued the need for British interference.
Thursday, May 08, 2003
Wednesday, May 07, 2003
More: Shiflett, with usual good humor, on the Bennett flap.
More: Serious fiscal conservative Stephen Moore agrees. That's bound to be the kiss of death in a "compassionate conservative" adminstration.
There had long been speculation Bush would replace Cheney, who has had four heart attacks, and take a running mate who could run to succeed him in 2008 if the president wins a second term.How mildly can you put it? First, it's a serious blow to the party to have no one waiting in the wings for 2008. Yes, Cheney could step down in, say, 2006 to let an heir come aboard, but don't you really want a battle-tested VP rather than a Gerald Ford?
Second, what does this say about Bush? Does it say that, even after Iraq, he doesn't have the confidence to move his eminence grise to an informal role and take on someone like Condi Rice as a running mate? She's about the sharpest knife in the GOP drawer right now, plus she isn't a 70-year-old white guy from the midwest. She's a sharp Californian (by transplant, but aren't they all?) with serious foreign policy cred and (let's be honest) the soccer-mom-vote-magnet trifecta of being black, female, and young. She looks great in a suit, too.
Third, I think we need to start asking the as-yet-unspoken question: Is Bush doping the ticket with Cheney in order to clear the 2008 decks for Jeb?
Tuesday, May 06, 2003
The "war against Social Security" is based on a shortfall, within 75 years, of "three-quarters of one percent of our national income," by which I assume they mean GDP, which shortfall will have to be covered out of general revenue via higher taxes. (Three-quarters of 1% appears to come out to about $100 billion, which is about enough to float 1 million retired baby boomers for one year, at today's rates -- which will be laughable 30 years from now, even at a low rate of inflation.) First of all, that kind of share of GDP is "huge" and "risky" when it's in the form of a tax cut instead of a tax hike. (Plus, run it through some dynamic analysis and you might find it does nearly as much harm as good.) Second, and more to the point, it's a weaselly statistic, since the important relationship is between revenue and shortfall, not GDP and shortfall.
Real-wage growth, they argue, will more than offset any tax bite to cover the trust fund deficit. That's possible, but in the next paragraph the authors steal that possibility when they note that the 30-year U.S. trend of real-wage stagnation makes Social Security all the more necessary. So which is it, boys? Can we grow our way out of the crisis or not?
The authors also aim to debunk a number of "accounting tricks" that reformers use to bolster their arguments. They say that reformers point to the fact that demographics suggest that we will move from an earners-to-recipients ratio of 3-1 today to 2-1 in 2035, then they claim (again) that increases in wages and productivity will cover demographic shifts. First of all, they cherry pick their numbers. Reformers are more likely to point to the 16-1 ratio in 1950 and the 5-1 ratio in 1960 (perhaps you see a pattern emerging?), and to the further demographic trends that threaten Social Security, like retirees living longer after retirement. Baker and Weisbrot's argument seems to be that this ship is seaworthy by redefining the meaning of "hull."
Another "trick," the authors say, is that the trust fund is "disparaged" as a box of IOUs. (It is exactly that.) "The bonds held by the Social Security Trust Fund," they say, "are backed by the full faith and credit of the US government, and it is a bit ridiculous to suggest that our government would default on them." Wow. Straw Man Alert! I don't recall anyone saying that default was the problem. The problem will be the costs associated with not defaulting. The trust fund took in the Social Security withholdings and loaned it to the Treasury, which promptly spent it. So the only accounting "trick" here is in the hands of the authors when they say that the trust fund contains securities "amounting to $1.5 trillion and growing by $200 billion a year." The only thing growing by $200 billion a year is the debt on the trust fund. When those securities are called due to pay benefits, guess where it'll come from. General tax increases. As noted before, the authors call it a "relatively small" tax increase needed to cover the shortfall. But remember that it is a tax in perpetuity, not a one-time hit to cover an anomalous shortfall. And this will not "pay for" Social Security. It will simply be a necessary complement to what is already drained from your paycheck as Social Security contributions.
This is ridiculous stuff, and the Globe should be ashamed for running it. Even the GAO sees the need for reform, and the GAO is not exactly known for being packed with fire-breathing Friedmanites.
The Sid Blumenthal book on Bill Clinton is coming out, and the Salon excerpt includes this striking moment from the ex-president's second inaugural: "Chief Justice Rehnquist . . . had been chilly and inexpressive toward the president throughout the morning. He was grim while swearing in Clinton to his second term, with Hillary holding the Bible. Now Rehnquist turned to speak to him. 'Good luck,' he said. 'You'll need it.'Think this happened? Sounds like a Robert Reich situation to me (see here or here)."'They're going to screw you on the Paula Jones case,' Hillary said."
This is Bob Kerrey, the former Nebraska senator who may or may not run for president someday because he may or may not have committed atrocities in Vietnam. (He is currently the president of a school that may or may not be an actual university but plays one on TV.)
Now, try not to get us sued.
Bennett, on the other hand, is guilty of nothing more than looking foolish for preaching self-control and practicing excess. And, while I don't find gambling sinful in any way, shape, manner, or form, dumping eight million clams into the slots is excess any way you slice it.
Monday, May 05, 2003
You already know the nature of the town I live in. These folks are pretty representative. Note that they carry the Howard Dean banner on their site. Anyway, this weekend was the gay pride march in my town, so my partner (that's Mrs. Enobarbus) and I took our son to see it. It was what you would expect, and later, cooly considered over a pint, we mulled what to make of a pride march in a town in which sexual freedom is like bread-buying freedom. (I swear, most of the people marching seemed to be doing so to demonstrate not that they were here and queer, but that they held the correct opinion on the matter, despite being straight.) I know, I know, I'm getting off the subject! The point is, Howard Dean's troops (forgive the war analogy, Howie) were thick on the ground in what is nominally Kerry Country. Kerry strikes me as a man ready to stick out his jaw and coast, and if he doesn't get the nomination it'll be (to him, anyway) the country's loss. Dean, on the other hand, is on the offensive well before the first primary. Does grass-roots organizing still count for anything? If it does, Dean will surprise a lot of people.
Moreover, in the words of Senator Dick Lugar (R-IN):
Gambling weakens our ability to teach our children the basics, if you will, the Cal Ripken values of hard work, patience, human achievement and personal responsibility. What is the message being sent to our children by clever television and radio commercials for lotteries that bombard us with the message that wealth is only a play away? It says that if you play enough you can hit the jackpot and be freed of the discipline of self support through a job or a long commitment to ongoing education. This same erosion of personal responsibility is at the heart of family dysfunctions, drug abuse, criminal behavior and abortion. We cannot tolerate the get rich symbolism of gambling, of pleading with our children to avoid other tosses of the dice that lead to unhealthy living and destructive behavior. [Emphasis added.]That kind of sounds like Bennett could've written it. That's not to say that Bennett should take responsibility for everyone who uses his "voice of moral authority" style. But it certainly means that people within the mainstream, in fact some of Bennett's ideological allies, think this is a moral issue. And in doing so, they bring the same sort of "virtue pressure" that Bennett uses to push his issues. Conservative voices like National Review and the Weekly Standard need to acknowledge that fact before defending Bennett. Yes, the left will act like Bennett got caught with a joint between his fingers outside a nudie club in the tenderloin; but the right is already acting like Bennett got caught ripping the "Do Not Remove" tag from his mattress.
It's easy enough for Bennett to say that, while mindful of moral arguments like Lugar's, he respectfully disagrees. But other people respectfully (and otherwise) disagree with Bennett on issues such as the supposed effects of TV violence and sex on children. It doesn't seem to affect his crusade at all. Go figure.
More: Mysterious non-Volokh Philippe de Croy is more succinct.
But expressing annoyance at the attention generated by news about his gambling, [Elayne Bennett] said her husband may have pulled his last slot-machine lever. "He's never going again," she said.I can only add a Nelsonian "Ha-ha." Boy does he deserve everything he gets.
Ed Craig, a small businessman and former director of state Democrats in South Carolina, said he was "fairly disappointed" in the debate. He said the Democrats did not seem to learn a lesson from last November's election losses.I didn't see the debate, of course. (I have a life.) But I can guess the themes. "George Bush wants to have an enormous tax cut to give money back to the rich! [Note: Have somebody from the DNC give the air conditioning system a good whack so that everybody shivers a little whenever we say "rich."] I don't see why we should cut taxes when we have a perfectly good rathole in Washington we can pour that money into. Again.""They were arguing over the same themes that we heard then, and they did not resound that well," Craig said. "Where is the guy with a vision?
Friday, May 02, 2003
Pop quiz: If the Democrats are going to stand a chance of beating George W. Bush in 2004, they are going to have to put tremendous effort and creativity into winning over which of the following groups of voters: a) gay men and lesbians or b) people (gay, straight, whatever) who currently think that the post-September 11 United States is just somehow more secure in Republican hands?The New Republic was on board with Afghanistan, Iraq, and homeland security very quickly, arguing (correctly) that Bush was fighting what amounted to a liberal cause. To oppose the war in the name of opposing Bush, TNR argued, was dumb, short-sighted, and a betrayal of liberal instincts.
So back to the seven, er ... nine dwarfs, I'm not one to indulge in snap judgements, but here's how I see the field going into the first debate.
Howard Dean: This man might have gotten a bigger war bounce than Bush, since he was very nearly the only Dem not falling all over himself to revise his position daily. The devil over his left shoulder must have wished for a quagmire in Iraq. 15 to 1 with a soft up arrow that will get softer as Iraq fades
Lieberman: Pros and Cons here. Pro -- He's polling higher than Edwards in South Carolina. Con -- He's polling lower than "undecided" in South Carolina. The real hawk on the Dem side has name recognition, strong foreign policy cred, and a great moderate record to fall back on in the general election, but he can't seem to generate electricity. Maybe a hip-hop campaign ad? 5 to 1, steady
Kerry: The pre-war momentum is stumbling. Yes, the waffling hurts, but why on earth did he allow Dean to put him on the defensive? Chris Lehane is at his worst and nastiest playing defense. And note that, so far, he hasn't come up with anything better than the Vietnam card, which is going to be a hard sell in domestic policy debate. Still the only serious frontrunner, though. 2 to 1, down from 3 to 2
Gephardt: Speaking of domestic policy, Howdy Doody looks surprisingly strong. He's pushing his health care policy lately, while the others are pushing buttons. He'll have to write off New Hampshire, since Dean and Kerry are the local boys, but Iowa could obviously be a big win for him. And he's the only heartland candidate in the pack, which gives him some general election cred with red-country Reagan Democrats. 6 to 1, up arrow
Carol Mosely Braun: No odds. Only in the race because the DNC would rather not cut a deal with ...
Al Sharpton: Get real.
John Edwards: He's not leading the field in South Carolina? What part of the country is Senator Handsome expecting to pull? He's a question mark, to be sure, but every time I hear "up-and-comer" I think "Dan Quayle." 8 to 1, with a big down arrow if the S.C. debate doesn't put his numbers there through the roof
Dennis Kucinich: The Democrat that ate Cleveland likes to talk fiscal responsibility while touting a "progressive" agenda. As a pro-life Catholic, he'd have to scramble to make the party comfortable with him, which they won't be anyway. He's the epitome of a politician who has failed upward. 100 to 1, and gone before the primaries
Bob Graham: Positive spin: He'd carry Florida. Maybe. Negative spin: Bob who? 20 to 1
Another thing: Both Glenn and Andrew think the speech was better than the staging. Wow, 100% wrong. I have to admit that I've never been a fan of Bush's speechwriters. I think their stuff is boring, jejune, like a list of platitudes and rather stock phrases. Its speech by Powerpoint, which plays to the worst of the Bush type. (Remember Dana Carvey doing Bush the First as Powerpoint man? "No new taxes. Thousand points o' light. Stay the course. Not gonna do it!") Last night was a great time to introduce a Reaganesque theme, something like "As a country, we do what we say we'll do." A simple theme like that highlights the president's resolve in the midst of Democrats waffling (my brother calls John Kerry's war stance "L'Eggo My Policy!"); it reinforces the message to North Korea, Syria, Iran that we can call them to account any time we wish; and it draws a line of distinction between the way the previous administration approached diplomacy and the way this one does. Luckily, the entrance was grand enough to make a ho-hum speech enough.
Thursday, May 01, 2003
Sidebar: This reminds me of the people who lost their retirement shirts in Enron. Sure, Enron was doing shady stuff, but if you have your nestegg tied up, undiversified, in the in-house stock of a business that makes its money in speculation, maybe you needed a lesson.
The settlement reveals some damning e-mails from Morgan Stanley and Goldman Sachs, hitherto regarded as minor offenders: one Goldman analyst lists his three most important goals for 2000 as “1) Get more investment banking revenue. 2) Get more investment banking revenue. 3) Get more investment banking revenue.” A Morgan Stanley counterpart wrote: “Bottom line, my highest and best use is to help [the bank] win the best internet IPO mandates.” Similarly, at Merrill Lynch, conflicts of interest were not limited to Mr Blodget’s group. One analyst outside the group passed on important, unpublished information about companies to favoured institutional clients. It also appeared to be common practice at Merrill for analysts to send draft research to the companies they covered, seeking feedback on what to write.The horror! The Goldman analyst wanted to get more banking revenue for the for-profit company by which he was employed! Ahhhh, the system is doomed! Now, the pre-screening of reports is a bit much, but one could certainly say that only if the writer's words are twisted, inaccurately, but the company he is covering, would such a practice be improper. Obviously, separation was needed between the research and the banking sides, but is this the way to go about it? He asked unknowingly...
The other thing that happened last week was announcement of a study showing that forcing students to take tests that have real consequences for the students, the schools, and their teachers, seems to help minority students. This should not be a surprise to anyone but these results go completely against the grain of what our "educators" believe and practice.Massachusetts is trying to rein in some school districts who are flouting the state requirement that high school seniors pass a standardized assessment test (the MCAS, or Massachusetts Comprehensive Assessment System exam). Principals and superintendents have threatened to ignore the requirement, although the state is having some success bringing them in line. My own town, last I heard, is holding out.
I'm split on this. I'm for local control of public schooling, assuming that such a beast will exist; but if it does exist, it should be held to some kind of standard. Given the nature and state of public schooling, there is no reason to believe that school districts will hold themselves accountable, absent any kind of voucher/charter incentive. I don't see anything particularly odious about a state-imposed standardized test to evaluate schools by some quantitative measure.
Tests with consequences make it harder to play all these games. Moreover, these tests give parents, voters and taxpayers some way to keep track of how well or how badly the public schools are doing their work. No longer can a lot of cheery-sounding mush from teachers and administrators substitute for hard facts.I'll frame it in more libertarian terms: First, local schools shouldn't have to bow to the state, as long as those same local schools are content to do without any state funding. Second, when the state runs a near-monopoly on the education racket, citizens should have access to information on performance. In the free market world, it's called transparency.
Back to Sowell.
Now that a study has shown that minority students benefit from tests with consequences, do not expect teachers or administrators to pay the slightest attention to this study -- except as something to deplore or try to discredit. Real teaching is hard work. Job fairs, play-acting, assigning students to keep diaries or write letters to public figures, or encouraging them to vent emotions in class -- all these things are a lot easier than teaching.Easier than learning, too. His point is important because I think both the students and the schools suffer from the same problem -- a lethargic torpor brought on by a lack of several things, among them accountability, standards, and responsibility. Further, the schools specifically have no incentive to innovate, and no competition exists to motivate a near-monopoly to return some semblance of rigor to education. Time to go to vouchers.